Figure 3(d) To obtain them, adhere to the following order: (a) egocifugal and egocipetal chains of the right hand; (b) the same of the left hand; (c)ascending and descending chains of the right hand; (d) the same of the left hand.

SCIENCE must be more than the mere seeking and recording of the truth. Psychiatry must be the objective, logical, and unselfish effort to promote mental health by means of scientific knowledge.

The author, as a psychiatrist, considers himself a fighting unit against mental illness, worry, suffering, and despair. His personal opinion is that psychiatry has not yet attained the social realization of its possibilities, and that it deserves a more prominent role in present-day warfare.

This book attempts to integrate the psychological and the psychiatric points of view on some of the more urgent problems in the management of military men, so that the greatest possible weight of human power may hasten the victory of democracy. Such an ambitious purpose has been only possible because of the kindness of the Salmon Memorial Committee, and the energy of its chairman, Dr. C. Charles Burlingame.

This book about war has been written in an atmosphere of war , while the author was traveling thousands of miles over the American continent. These circumstances may serve to explain the paucity of concrete data and of references which he could only supply from the quiet room of his lost library.

WAR, according to the Encyclopaedia Britannica, "is a fight between human societies - in primitive conditions between savage tribcs, in the civilised world between states. Its explanation involves the anal ysis of the terms of this definition and requires the aid of the sciences that treat of its several elements; of biology to account for the fight, of sociology to explain the State, and of the historical sciences to trace the evolution, in connection with that of the State, of armed forces and of the modes of their employment."

It is no wonder that the word psychology and its derivatives are not even mentioned in the preceding definition. The enormous influence of psychological factors in the motivation, incidence, and re sults of war has only lately been fully recognized. As recently as World War I, it was assumed that fighting forces were merely en- gaged in a physical or mechanical contest. If psychological factors were acknowledged, they were included under war strategy, the exclusive property of the General Staff. According to this view, techni-cal knowlege plus a given amount of men and materials should lead automatically to victory or to defeat, depending on the cor-responding values of the enemy. It was not so long ago that Napoleon remarked: "God is on the side of the big guns."

Present conditions of war differ greatly from those of Napoleon's time. Then, semiprofessional soldiers did the fighting without in-terference in the affairs of those for whom they fought. Most citizens were unaware of and indifferent to the details of the conflict. So divorced was the population from the combat that civilian morale as such cannot be said to have existed.

Today wars are of vital, immediate concern to all the people of an embattled nation. War has become a total, global event; the struggle, is no longer confined to the firing line, but extends into every detail of life. War is no longer waged by professional mercenaries, but is compulsory for all citizens. Besides the combatants, there are armies of spies, secret agents, guerrillas, fifth columnists, etc., who employ invisible and subtle (psychological) weapons.

Hence it is no longer possible to dismiss the role of psychology. On the contrary, psychology has become so important that in several of the belligerent countries there are special ministries devoted to it : the so-called ministries of propaganda or information. It would be more appropriate to call them ministries of psychological warfare. Once complete agreement is reached in respect to the advantages of applying psychological concepts to the management of military organization, what is the role to be played by psychiatrists?

Oddly enough, although the psychiatrists were the first to arrive, the psychologists are now in the saddle and the psychiatrists undecided as to their own function. It was amply proved by World War I that psychiatrists should begin a campaign of mental hygiene as soon as war is declared, in order to prevent mental disorders, maladjustment, delinquency, and other mishaps. One may appropriately inquire as to whether or not the psychiatrists are successfully fulfilling their function. I do not believe that their function has been fu11y appreciated. The military leaders consider that the average man is normal, and consequently belongs to the sphere of normal psychology. In making this assumption, however, they forget that this man is about to be plunged into abnormal situations throughout the war for which his habitual patterns of reaction are inadequate. We could even assert that in the measure in which a war is rashly and fiercely conducted it becomes normal to behave abnorma11y. We sha11 return to this point later.

Every man has certain potentialities for developing abnormal reactions which would be considered pathological in peacetime. One of the best commanders of the Spanish Republican Army once said to me: "I think that during war everybody is upset, nervous, jittery, and perhaps slightly crazy. It is no wonder, then, that you do not find an increasing numbe of insane. You simply lack a lnormal background for comparison." The task to be performed by the psychiatrist during war increases in importance rather than decreases.

It is not possible to establish artificial boun daries between the duties of the psychologíst and the psychiatrist. Each needs the othcr and must work in the spirit of cooperation. Considering myself as much one as the other, I never bothercd which approach to a given problem was superior. Teamwork has proved successful in dealing with' human liabilities from a psychosomatic point of view. Why should we renounce it in dealing wíth such complicated matters as selection of recruits, maintenance of moralc, etc.?

Whereas the psychologist is well equipped to measure specific ap-titudes, the psychiatrist is far better prepared to estimate the resistance of a given subject to stress. Moreover, to prevent or to detect early exhaustion in an overworked commander is much more important than to make a fair classification of a hundred inductees.

The first step toward grasping the psychic meaning of war was taken by a great man who, not knowing weather to call himself psychologist or psychiatrist, in vented a new name psychoanalyst. Psychoanalysis may well serve to bridge the gap between psychology and psychiatry.

According to Freud war may be regarded either as "a kind of collective neurosis or as "a tentative arrangement for periodically discharging the excess of repressed 1bidinous impulses." Both interpretations assume that repression has a double meaning, since it is at the same time source and effect of civilization. To quote Freud : "Conscience is the result of intellectual renunciation. In its turn, however, conscience demands further renunciations, and so a vicious circle is formed which leads malnkind to suffer rather than to profit from culture and civilization. Freud writes pessimistically that "our so-called civilization is to blame for a great part of our misery, and we should be much happier if we were to give it up and go back to primitive conditions.

In connection with Freud's views, which I will not attempt to discuss, it is interesting to remember that more than two thousand years ago Plotinus said that "unsatisfied love is transmuted into rage. Both authors would agree that war does not meant the absence but rather the deprivation of love. The outlook, then , is not so bad as it seems.

To the practical psychologist, war is a period in which human life is completely revolutionized. Moral, legal, economic, social, and even material interpersonal relationships are altered in accordance with war necessity. Habits, affections, and credos are shattered.

During war people must repeat the leaming processes of child hood in regard to the fundamentals of living. Who are better prepared to teach in this emergency than those who know most about the mechanisms of human learning ? The pupils lack the mental plasticity of infancy; they are of varying ages, of varying cultural levels, and are often unwilling to be taught. Resistance, difficulties, and setbacks are only to be expected; hence the concern of the government to find the most efficient teachers and didactic methods for the new art of living at war.

The change is rendered more difficult in democratic countries, especially in those with high living standards. Necessity and despair, according to an old psychological law, push people to fight; self- satisfaction, comfort and luxury make them conservative and pacific. This may explain why France and Holland were so much more rapidly defeated than Greece and Yugoslavia. This law also suggests why the masses of the Axis states, who have been living under adverse circumstances for many years, adapt themselves so readily to war conditions.

The psychiatrist, on the other hand, is predominantly concerned with the study of pathological human reactions, both individual and group. He considers war an abnormal collective reaction which leads to the substitution of the socially advanced forms of behavior by more primitive ones. All the progress of mankind has been won by subordinating force to reason, coercion to freedom, instinct to ethics. No one can feel free until he acquires control over his bodily cravings. Throughout human history, the Right of Force has been slowly replaced by the Force of Right.

In war, compulsion, mechanical strength, and even brutality prevail over persuasion and reason. The same occurs in madness. Consequently psychiatrists, were they mere professional observers, would be disposed to regard war as a national psychosis afficting the collective mind. They could then sit back and calmly observe both beligerent parties, or could even be transferred from one side to the other, in order better to compare the reactions of the opposing groups, thereby gaining much valuable data.

Psychiatrists, however, are not merely curious observers, but rather citizens who have to perform a more fundamental task. As physicians, their obligation is to alleviate distress. Since war brings untold suffering, they must postpone their drive for research and confine themselves instead to very concrete aims, which we shall discuss in the following pages.

The biologists offer a very simple explanation of war. W ar, to them, is merely a particular case - albeit a very pitiful one - of the struggle for existence as old and as widespread as life itself. According to the Lamarckian view, the strong animal survives and the weak perishes. But this statement is true only as long as we deal with organisms devoid of intelligence. Nicolai, in his book on the biology of war, denies its validity in man. On that remote day when the strong young warrior knelt down before the aged, weak magician, man became something more than a purely natural organism: he had discovered the realm of values. Even from a purely concrete, practical angle, war under present conditions means survival of the weak who are excluded from military duties not of the strong. When Hitler goes to biology for his attempted justification for war as a natural human aim, he proves once more to be on the wrong path.

Nevertheless, we must not forget that man is also a natural animal, who still retains signs of his fierce and cruel ancestry; it is not by chance that we all have canine teeth. Biologists, therefore, can contribute suggestions to secure the physical and physiological sources of energy. The Spanish War proved that through neglect of the latter, even the best war morale may fail. Hence food is subjected to blockade. Here, however, we are not primarily concerned with this aspect and wish merely to emphasize the insufficiency of all biological attempts to explain war from a purely naturalistic approach.

The same inadequacy charactcrizes all efforts by sociologists to afford religious, economic, or political explanations of war. Since war is a human phenomenon, it cannot be completely understood unless we take into account all the complex factors which integrate human life. Sociologists are still occupied in discussing which one of the different theories of social and political organization can best explain and, if possible, prevent wars. I hope that sociology will improve its prestige in the near future, but I believe it will do so just in the measure that sociology becomes infiltrated by psychology and psychiatry.

We are finally ready to attempt a synthesis. Man has been described as a "perpetually oscillating and unstable synthesis of antinomies." His life is the expression of conflicting forces, and his behavior is the inevitable result. In man, there is always something more than a struggle for life; there is also a struggle within life. Human beings are not merely in conflict with their surroundings; they are also in conflict with themselves. War is a mode of behavior which alters for each individual the relative proportions of internal and external problems. Therefore, during war, some persons change for the better, others for the worse.

The outstanding generality of war consists in man's deprivation of spiritual and transcendent dimensions, and in his limitation to the most simple, savage, and natural life in which the only goal is to secure survival.

War would mean only evil for mankind, did it not have for its end a better human state. The leaders of all the belligerent nations, consequently, are forced to promise great cultural, economic, and social changes as the reward of victory. People want to know not merely what they are fighting against but what they are fighting for.

From the humanistic viewpoint, war is a nuclear and crucial event in the history of mankind; an event on which depends the fate of peoples and nations for centuries; an event from which either regressive or progressive changes emerge. The prewar level of life can never be restored.

Psychiatry must develop the maximum of efficiency to achieve the best adjustment of human resources with the least suffering, both in the war zone and in the rear. Various opinions have been expressed recently as to the concrete aims of such a duty. Professor Overholser in the United States, Professor Moreno in Mexico, and Professor Pacheco e Silva in Brazil have described them. I think it advisable to discuss these aims at some length here, since there is no definite agreement about the limits of the task.

Most of the aims of psychiatry in war must be the product of team work on the part of the psychiatrists and other professionals, such as psychologists, psychoanalysts, sociologists, military commanders, etc. The avoidance of interference and of overlapping must be care- fully considered by each of these categories in order to obtain maximum benefits. The principal tasks to be performed are:

1. Adjustment of the population to the war effort, according to its capacity and mental energy.

2. Mental prophylaxis for the military and civil population throughout the war, to keep their members fitted for their jobs and to prevent mental breakdown.

3. Proper care of those individuals or groups who become mentally ill or exhausted despite preventive measures.

Let us see how these different goals may be attained and what is the proper role of the psychiatrists in their attainment.

This aim is so ambitious that it cannot be achieved without perfect planning and integration of the work of all the experts responsible for it. A previous analysis of requirements and needs should be made to adjust the human resources to the emergency. Such an analysis is impossible, however, without proper information as to the re-sources and intentions of the enemy.

To penetrate such a labyrinth is beyond the scope of this book. We shall confine ourselves to the problem of the selection of civilian and military personnel. The slogan, "The right man in the right place," is even more valuable in war than in peace. Nor can there be any doubt that the psycologists must provide the basis for a proper allocation of individuals in all levels of the war machine.

But the psychiatrists, as well, have something to say on this occasion. They must not wait until they are called upon to give advice. Nor should their function be conceived as the purely negative one of determining who should not receive a given war job. Because of their experience in dealing with men as persol1alities as a whole and because of their peculiar knowledge of typology and characterology the psychiatrists are best qualified to determine the mental fitness of a given subject and to predict his output and efficiency under conditions of stress.

On the other hand, there is no sharp boundary line between the normal and abnormal aspects of a given subject. Everyone has in himself both potentialities. It is a question of threshold, rather than of quality or essence, that causes the individual to bchave properly or improperly. Therefore, intimate collaboration between psychologist and psychiatrist should lead to better prognostication than the work of either alone. The first could measure the capacities, aptitudes, and vocational abilities of the subject; the second could estimate his ability to use them. Then the problem of psychopathic mal- adjustment despite careful psychological tests would not arise, for it would not only be possible for the experts to tcll what is the best assignment for each applicant, but also to determine whcn, where, and how long he will be able to perform it.

Psychologists have more interest in the common and superficial trends of the mind. They rank the relative values of the mind's instruments, rather than deal with the puzzling problems of the psycho- bio-social relations under overwhelming life conditions. Psychiatrists, on the other hand, are more interested in the practical and immediate evaluation of individual efficiency when an injurious or noxious influence, either inherited or acquired, disturbs the integration of the mental equipment. The possibilities of compensation, overcompensation, displacement, transference, temporary inhibition, etc., of the reaction patterns must be carefully considered in prognosis.

To summarize, we favor the addition rather than the subtraction of effort. It is not a question as to whether psychologists, classification authorities, and psychiatrists should collaborate: they must collaborate unless time and labor are to be wasted in the selective process.

Mental hygiene is another objective for which the morale officers, psychologists, and psychiatrists must meet and work together. Here the latter play the major role. Nothing can affect the morale of a group more adversely than the sight of pcople becoming insane because of the war. Oddly enough, the average civilian or soldier withstands better the news that one of his acquaintances has been wounded br killed than that he has been interned in a mental hospital. Aman is more afraid of losing his mind than his body or even his life. Any mental casualty possesses, especially in wartime, a psychic infecting power.

But the worst results occur when an unbalanced person is not recognized and his delusions are accepted by his group. Because of the increased suggestibility of the majority, such half-mad persons are perhaps more dangerous than the truly psychotic and may be used with great success by fifth columnists. Hence it is important to control and observe, periodically, not only the previously determined psychopathic personalities, but those who have not yet been recognized as such. This is the task of a mental hygiene service, to be carried on at the front as well as in the rear.

We believe that no one will deny the third aim of psychiatry in war the care of mental casualties, just as in peace. Treatment, however, is somewhat different from that prevailing in normal periods. In a peaceful country one does not observe epidemics of neuroses, collective paranoid states, etc., such as sometimes are presented by war.

In the fourth aim readjustement and reallocation of cured mental patients we again encounter the necessity for teamwork with applied psychologists and officers in charge of centers of recuperation. Psychiatrists must assist by estimating the probability of relapse and suggesting the most suitable psychological atmosphere for such patients.

Still more important, perhaps, is the contribution of the psychiatrist to the attainment of the fifth aim, the maintenance of war morale. Before we come to the concrete analysis of this aim, however, we must have a picture of the prominent features that characterize life in wartime from the standpoint of a dynamic psvchology.

There are as many kinds of wars as there are kinds of people involved. Difference of origin, race, culture, temperament, intelligence, social and economic position are responsible for varying attitudes. We shall attempt what must be a rather abstract and formal survey of the field, since it cannot be denied that, when drafted together, the poor will not react as the rich, the young and healthy as the old and ailing, the fortunate as the miserable.

Nevertheless, for every citizen war implies a change of duties and of rights, a dislocation of prospects and a break of habits, affections, and beliefs. Therefore, we shall attempt to describe some of the most important differences between peacetime and wartime modes of life.

Broadly speaking, il1 peacetime interpersonal relations take place in a frame of confidence, gentleness, and friendship; whereas in wartime they are tinged with reluctance and harshness. In time of peace a normal man is rarely angry and stillless often afraid. In time of war, on the other hand, it is a luxury to be calm and good-humored. Wartime existence presupposes a psychological regression toward the primitive conditions of emotional life that prevailed during early childhood, when the negative attitudes of fear and rage predominate over the positive ones of sympathy and love.

This regression stems principally from the fact that war not merely deprives the individual of his usual comfort and enjoyment, but breaks !with the past and requires the rapid creation of new habits. At the same time, it puts the subject face to face with the unknown, preventing him from planning the future. No one knows, on arising in the morning, what will happen to him before nightfall: he may be deprived of liberty or property, transferred to another city, wounded, killed, or, even, unable to return to the same bed as last night. In spite of Uncertainty the most frightful and depressing factor he must carry on and continue to perform his duty as if danger were nonexistent. Still more, he must appear enthusiastic about the future. smile and conceal his inner doubts and fears.

People are thus plunged into a dangerous, difficult, puzzling, and unlimited present. They are deprived of the support of previous reserves, and they are unable to plan new conquests. What is worse, they are deprived of freedom and of personal initiative. Because in wartime all that is not prohibited tends to become obligatory, there is a progressive absorption of the individual by the war machine. No wonder that the increasing expenditure of mental energy puts the average citizen into a state of nervousness and causes him to react harshly, as he loses his spontaneous affability. The loss of personal freedom is, of course, even more noticeable among the soldiers, since they are attached to their respective army units.

Because of the sudden change of the frame of reference and of the evanescence of the basic, external supports for mental activity, every individual speculates considerably at the beginning of his new life, only to reach the same blind alley concerning his future. Finally he ceases to attempt it, and abandons himself to the spontaneous, natural, and irrational (affective) mode of life which ruled during the primitive phases of man's evolution. He meekly obeys orders, without trying to absorb them; or, on the contrary, struggles wildly against his environment. People living under war conditions are exposed to abrupt emotional shocks and become more suggestible in consequence. Their behavior becomes unpredictable. They obey the all-or-none law that characterizes the most simple forms of life : the organism either remains insensible and unaffected by the stimuli, or else reacts in the strongest possible way.

One of the most difficult problems arises. Those who are charged with the instruction of the new recruits find the average one to be either apathetic and inhibited or nervous and excited. Since these men suffer from an increase of emotional tone, strong moods are created which restrain their thinking. It is well known that emotional states tinge with their peculiar feeling-tone all levels of the intellectual activities of the individual during a long period. When the individual is frightened, his thoughts are fearful; no matter about what he thinks, his conclusions will be pessimistic. Pavlov's school explains this fact by saying that the basic emotions, being bound up with life or death situations, have the greatest power of irradiation over the brain field, and so exclude the possibility of voluntary change through insight.

For military purposes, it is advisable to discover the specific, individual fears, hates, and loves of each soldier. Soldiers must attain complete mastery over their basic emotions. They must harbor anger against the enemy but not against their superiors; must carefully avoid certain dangers while they seek out others; must feel warmth and friendship toward their companions yet ever be alert to detect treason among them.

Still worse, soldiers must be ready to obey blindly the most unusual commands from their superiors while simultaneously possessing in- itiative, determination, and insight in the performance. As one of the foremost Spanish Republican militiamen brilliantly summarized the situation: "Officers must be crazy. They ask us now to behave like savages, half an hour later like civilized people, two hours later like beasts, and stilllater like refined human beings. It takes a long time to become such a mental acrobat and I am afraid of losing my mind in the process of learning it."

Another important aspect of the social readjustment in war is the sudden change in prestige and power of many men. Often as the result of haphazard events people become national heroes or objects of general abhorrence. The humble shoemaker becomes superior to the officious proprietor; the elevator boy, now a flight corporal, dictates orders to the businessman who once discharged him. One never knows who is inside a uniform, nor can one predict how he will behave. All one knows is that he has more or less commanding power.

People must be judged by their appearance, and not by their personal value. This peculiar dissociation of being and appearance increases the difficulty of psychological adjustment in wartime.

Nevertheless, the average man possesses an incredible mental plasticity and can overcome all these obstacles provided that he becomes absolutely convinced of the necessity to do so. To obtain this conviction is not easy. If dull, a man may not understand the "whys" of such demands upon him; if bright, he may present dozens of "buts". Hence an enormous amount of information about the war must be supplied and discussions of war philosophy stimulated, covering all angles of the various ideologies. In all citizens of the nation, regardless of their political and religious opinions, the belief must be created that there is no choice but to fight. They must be in the frame of mind to make, not merely to support, war.

If this goal is attained, people will wish to enter into rather than escape from the warlike spirit. To produce the necessary conviction requires the teamwork of the best brains in the country, especially those best equipped in psychology, psychiatry, sociology, philosophy, ethics, law, and even politics.

When war has been waged for several years and the end is not in sight, another danger threatens. People become disinterested, tired, apathetic, and depressed. Nothing matters to them any more, and they behave as if they were drowsy. Neither good nor bad news affects those who crave only rest and peace.

We observed such a state at the end of the Spanish War, when the Munich Pact had removed the only hope of external aid, a hope that hitherto had enabled the Republicans to withstand the deprivation of food, ammunition, sleep, and the loss of their homes. During the months that followed October 1938, even a streetcar accident in the streets of Barcelona was insufficient to revive the instincts of curiosity and partnership, otherwise so strong among the Catalans. What was more impressive, the victims themselves did not care, nor did they call for help even though seriously injured.

When such a state of stupor (the French have called it n'importe-qu'isme which could be translated by the neologism "don't careism") has been reached, the war is really over. It does not matter whether the stupor is observed at the rear or at the front. Wherever it appears, it means the end of fighting, since there is no possibility for the army to continue if the rear collapses, nor can the rear resist when the army has been destroyed.

Before this disaster occurs, of course, many signs warn of its approach. Strong psychotherapeutic measures can be applied to prevent it. We shall discuss these at the end of the book. Here we discuss the most important obstacle to overcome at the beginning of a war: fear. Many countries have succumbed without fighting, although undoubtedly opposed to the invaders, because collective fears paralyzed their people and leaders. Many errors in the beginning of the war may be avoided if fear can be controlled by the new soldiers. Accordingly, we shall devote the next chapter to the analysis of this basic emotion and to the methods of preventing its deleterious effects among individuals and groups.

LET us suppose that a whole population is imbued with the desire to destroy its enemy. In spite of its determination and enthusiasm, as soon as the physical effects of the fighting become perceptible (explosions of heavy bombs, sight of dead and wounded, etc.), almost everyone feels a change inside himself. Fear has made its appearance, and it will not entirely disappear until peace returns.

To paraphrase the Bible: "In the beginning God created fear." Biology confirms that even the simplest living organisms, such as the protozoans, possess not only the property of being stirred up by appropriate environmental changes (irritability) but also that of being paralyzed partially or wholly, temporarily or permanently, when submitted to the alternate noxious action of disturbing stimulation. I believe this property, which I term inactivity, is as important as irritability. The phenomenon of apparent death, already developed in asteroids, and the "immobilizing passive defense" reflex observed in many animals when confronted by human beings are expressions of this property.

Pavlov, after submitting higher mammals to the action of several noxious situations, concluded that "at the basis of normal fear (timidity or cowardice) and in particular of the pathological fears (phobias), there lies a predominance of the physiological process of inhibition." If we consider that inhibition implies the cessation of the elapsing motion, we may say that, from the humble ameba to man, the same biological law prevails: according to this law life requires certain conditions of continuity and balance in order to flow. Outside of these conditions life tends to disappear .

Consciously, we experience this inactivating process as a dysphoric state of increasing incapacity, inefficiency, uncertainty, and insecurity. The consequent loss of our reactive power is bound up with a feeling of contraction and impoverishment of the ego. Simultaneously with the aggravation of this conscious experience, uneasiness spreads through all levels of the mind and the individual experiences the onset of the inhibitory process in the form of an increasing sensation of helplessness. The prodigious strength of this primary mechanism of supposed defense of life against death consists, after all, in the partial foretaste of the experience of dying.

Contrary to the statement of classical psychology that fear arises from the idea of danger or from the feeling of threat of injury to the ego, I think that danger, whether subjective (imaginary) or objective (real), is not the cause or even the motive of fear. 0n thc contrary, fear is engendered by the lack of a suitable reaction, in other words, by the loss of fluidity and continuity of the natural reactive course, which secures the discharge into the final common paths of all the potentials excited by internal or external stimulation.

The necessity for securing the elastic spring of the streaming process is so great that fear may arise even without pretense of justification whenever the inertia of the process decreases or is exhausted. This occurs, for example, when the unchaining sign of a planned action fails to appear, so that the desired effect does not occur. Illustrations of this fact in the field of pathology are the "expectation neuroses" (Erwartungsneurose; neurose d'atteinte) and the intensive panphobia experienced by cases suffering from a vital depression (Kurt Schneider).

More simply, the unforeseen is more dreadful than the certain and immediate. The konowledge of what will occur is less terrifying than ignorance or doübt. Men frequently feel more hopeless and miserable when unsure of their fate than when death is a certainty. As Anibal Ponce said, doubt is the root of anxiety.

It may appear that this concept conflicts with that formerly defended by Darwin, and more recently by Walter B. Cannon, as to the utilitarian significance, in a teleologic sense, of the fear reaction. Cannon considers that the fear emotion results from an abnormal excitation of the sympathetic nervous system which assists in fight or flight. His investigations of the two "sympathins.." – one of which is supposed to exert an inhibitory action – more closely coincide with Pavlov's concepts. Yet when Cannon depicts as synonymous the somatic changes underlying fear, rage, pain, and hunger, I am inclined to attribute his results to an unfortunate selection of experimental animals. From dogs and cats a blend of fear, rage, and pain is obtained, and there is no possibility of obtaining the pure response of inactivation. To arouse pure fear, rather than to obtain an "emotional cocktail," it would have been preferable to fling the animals from an airplane and to examine them immediately upon their landing with parachutes. Then, perhaps, a passive defense reflex, as described by Pavlov, would have been obtained.

The psychogenesis of fear has been the object of numerous recent works, of which we shall cite only a few.

Sabatier states that fear is the effect of helplessness and incapacity in the face of life: "L 'homme jeté nu et désarmé sur la planete a peine refroidie marchant en tremblant sur un sol qu'il sentait encore trembler sous ses pas ...connut un état de misere et de détresse qui remplit son coeur d'une épouvante infinie."

Levy-Bruhl's opinion is that fear was once aroused in human beings, together with superstition, by the "mystery of the unknown." "Attrait et horreur, adoration et crainte se donnent ensemble. ..."La peur fut d'abord une angoisse diffuse, émotion du mystère:

According to Rignano's view fear would be the result of emotion serving the obscure and primary purpose of each organism to subsist in a fixed manner in its physiological state "tendence de l'être à perseverer dans son être, tendence a l'invariance."

Lacroze believes that fear arises from the fight between a tendency to immutability and a tendency to vital prospection: "Une vie qui est essentiellement mouvement et progrès, des individus qui en sont les aspects figés et arrêtés, telle est l'opposition fondamtentale d'où. nait l'angoisse."

Christin's and Meyerson's views concur in considering the self as the real source of fear. The former says: "L'angoisse est la peur de soi même"; the latter states: L'angoise est surtout la peur du mysère que tout homme porte en soi."

Janet writes: "L'angoisse est une émotion avortée, un processus affectif arrêté ou dévié dans son cours. L'angoisse se rapproche de la peur qui est la plus élémentaire des emotions. De la même façon que l'action dégénère en agitation, l'emotion dégénère en angoisse."

Freud supports the view that fear is a morbid element which sometimes accompanies the defensive reactions. Its origin proceeds from the suffering inherent to the action of birth. His disciple Reik, dwells upon the fact that fear of life precedes fear of death and that the former – being implicit in the so-called conservative instinct – is nothing but a conditioned reflex of the latter. On his own account, Jones, another disciple of Freud, believes in the existence of an insufficiency of libidinal gratification in the deep levels of all fears; he concurs with the popular belief that courage is the companion of probity, but this differs from clinical tests in many instances.

Wallon holds the criterion of the existence of a certain opposition between the light and intense degrees of fear, since while the first are of external origin, the second are due to a "weakening of the postural tone."

Similar in a way is Devaux's and Logre's opinion when they state that anguish represents "le fait afectif original" and that its cause is to be found in the "structure psychobiologique de l'animal."

Those scholars who have made direct observations on patients suffering the effects of frightening situations supply us with no less a variety of opinions. Schilder regards "the expectation of some harm" as the cause of fear when the organism tends to avoid rather than to combat the danger .

K. Goldstein emphasizes that anxiety does not refer, generally, to any concrete object("Der Angst ist gegenstandlos") but rises, as we assert, whenever the performance of the constitutionally determined functions of the organism becomes impossible.

W. Stern asserts: "The source from which fear emerges is a disgusting impression of unsteadiness and of hesitancy (inconclusion in the future) with life and the world."

In spite of their undeniable variety, these definitions emphasize the fact, already verified by Gardiner Murphy for all emotional reactions, that it is much easier to discuss the effects of fear than its causes, since these do not take origin, as was hitherto general1y believed, in the idea of danger, but rather just the opposite; the idea of danger springs from the experience of the effects of fear. In his paper, "Feeling and Emotion,.. Murphy asserts: "The theory of emo- tion is a matter of organic function or correlation and causation within the organism, not between it and the extemal realm or course of behavior." Hence the real problem of fear lies within the organism. As a candid pupil replied to his teacher's question – "Are you afraid of my question?" – " No, sir, I am afraid of not knowing the answer."

All wars are terrible, but the Spanish War was among the worst, because it was not merely a war of invasion, but at the same time a civil war and a revolution. Sometimes an individual was far more afraid of a member of his family living in the same room than of the bombs of the enemy planes overhead. I will not describe the countless situations in which the fear emotion was experienced or observed by me at its climax. One single sample may demonstrate how tremendously tragic was life in those days. At the Madrid front, the rebels employed a number of Asturian miners to begin dangerous attacks against our trench lines before the Hospital Clínico. These had been taken prisoners, after fighting on the Republican side, when the Northern front collapsed. They were forced to face the peril of death from all directions; behind them were their real enemies, ready to shoot them at any moment; ahead were their friends, who nevertheless must shoot them too; below their feet a mined field was exploding; in the air above, shrapnel from both sides and airplane bombs completed the ring of death. Sometimes they were lucky enough to plunge into a large shell hole and wait until nightfall in order to reach our trenches. Those who survived came to us in a pitiful state. They presented excellent clinical material for research on the evolution of the fear emotion, whose description follows.

On the basis of my experience as well as that of others, I concluded that it is helpful to differentiate several stages in the evolution of fear. These stages, according to the theory of Hughlings Jackson, correspond to different phases of functional disintegration of the higher brain centers. Kretschmer would interpret them as stages of the "accommodating regression."

Of course, one should not expect to observe all of the stages in succession in a given subject. Constitutional peculiarities, the degree of exhaustion, previous determination ( the so-called affective constelation) , the time and severity of the fearful situation, etc., may modify in a given case the rigidity of our abstract description. But, allowing for these exceptions, I think it is possible to differentiate six stages of fear, each capable of introspective as well as of objective description.

1. Prudence" and Self-Restraint.- Observed from without, the subject appears modest, prudent, and unpretending. By means of voluntary self-restraint, he limits his aims and ambitions, and renounces all those pleasures which entail risk or exposure. The individual in this stage is already under the inhibitory influence of fear. He reacts with a prophylactic avoidance of the approaching situation.

Introspectively, the subject is not yet conscious of being afraid. On the contrary, he is rather self-satisfied and proud because he considers himself endowed with greater foresight than other human beings.

2. Concentration and Caution.- In the second stage, the subject has already entered the field of the fearful situations, but still controls his responses. His movements evince his cautious attitude: they are no longer spontaneous, now that they are submitted to a more severe control of attentive self-criticism, but are slower, more accurate, and more meticulous. The voluntary self-restraint is aimed to secure the basic and immediate purpose toward which all the available energy is directed. The subject overreacts in order not only to attain but to assure success; he wastes energy in the superfluous effort. A tendency to repeat and review movements, the so-called iteration, may also be observed.

Subjectively, the victim is worried and preoccupied; he reinforces his attention as well as his interest in the performance. Doubt as to his efficiency is already present and easily changes into apprehension of failure. A small cloud of pessimism invades his spirit; to overcome it, he attempts to rally all his courage. To the external world he still successfully pretends to be calm, confident, and reserved.

3. Apprehension and Alarm.- In the third stage, the patient is objectively frightened. His attitude is one of worry and distrust. Superfluous movements make their appearance; secondary and insignificant actions are magnified; hesitations are manifest, together with oscillations and alterations in rhythm and precision of the essentially required movements.

Because of the immoderate narrowness of attention, the subject's consciousness is restricted. Praxic failures which increase the lack of control are observed. A tendency to withdrawal of the extremities with sudden tremors may also be noted.

Subjectively, the preoccupation, already existing in the previous stage, is magnified so that it effects a division of the stream of consciousness. The flow of thought is affected. The ideation is disrupted, and thought loses its clarity. The ego experiences increasing unsteadiness and insufficiency. In the measure that the subiect is convinced of his inefficiency, the helplessness of the ego increases. Silly actions are attempted and may be stopped before their conclusion. Confusion of movements results, and the subject approaches the next stage, in which he will lose completely the control of his behavior.

4. Anxiety or Anguish.- In the fourth stage, the subject's behavior loses functional and purposeful unity. New actions are attempted before the conclusion of the preceding; the psychomotor pattern is disorganized. The increasing excitation of subcortical and mesence- phalic centers is responsible for a continuous expenditure of pointless movements, some of which are insistently repeated. The subject accordingly resembles an automaton, although he is still aware and can make conscious verbal responses.

A tendency to discharge in the neurovegetative sphere the impulses that have been driven back by the barrage of the effectors gives rise to the so-called visceral storm. The anarchy present at the conscious level spreads to the internal organs as well. 1n this stage the diencephalon begins to take command over the cortex, which is not yet completely inhibited. Conflicting waves and counterwaves meet the higher and subcortical centers, and dissociated movements, stereotyped gestures, and dysmetric actions are observed externally. Trembling and spasms are also noticeable.

Subjectively, suffering reaches a climax in this stage. The subject experiences an extremely unpleasant sensation of losing his mental balance; he claims that he can no longer control himself. Occasionally he may react with desperation and attempt the destruction of himself or of his immediate surroundings. In so doing, he does not experience any particular feeling of hate or rage; he is merely the spectator, not the author of his impulses.

At other times, the conscious self appears completely dissociated from the effector arc of the nervous system. The subject may deny that he is moving and claim that he is calm and obedient to orders, at the same time as he is committing nonsensical acts.

5. Panic.- Previously, the subject was on the brink of complete loss of consciousness. Now his behavior is directed from the thalamic and mesencephalic centers. Movements of the utmost violence are observed. These cannot be restrained, either consciously by the victim or externally by change of situation or reassuring measures. The final motor storm has begun that sometimes gives rise to fits, at other times to catastrophic "deflexes." The subject may run – wether forward or backward is a matter of chance. Nothing can stop him, and three or four persons are needed to hold him even if he is normally weak.

There is no wonder that people in the stage of panic on the battlefield can perform deeds which may later be described as heroic. In fact, when "escaping ahead" in a twilight state, soldiers may conquer positions and rouse the courage of their comrades who are unaware of the basis of such actions.

Subjectively, the panic stage is experienced as a nightmare, consisting of a peculiar, irregular stream of delirious, oneiric, distorted mental images, most of which are forgotten when the subject returns to normal. The so-called subconscious or deep personality (Kraus ) may record the perceptions during this stage, so that hypnotic treatment is required to recall the experiences in this state.

6. Terror.-When the sixth stage is reached, it becomes impossible to distinguish between objective and subjective aspects. Inhibition has reached all the encephalic levels and has stopped the automatic reactions that were at their climax during the preceding phase.

There is, perhaps, the possibility that sufficient postural tone may be retained to enable the victim to stand; or, perhaps, he lies in a bizarre posture on the floor. No matter how he is placed, he remains motionless as a stone. He is, in fact, petrified or apparently dead. His pallor and lack of expression reveal complete exhaustion of psychic life. The return to the earth – and I assume that the word "terror" is derived from "terra" rather than from "tremor" – has been completed. Such inactivation may even be permanent. This occurs when inhibition spreads to the vital centers of the medulla oblongata. I have observed two cases of death without injury in soldiers who were submitted to prolonged fright when exhausted. Cannon explains such deaths by a process of dehydration, decrease of blood volume, and colloidal precipitation.

When recovering from the final stage, the victim begins to open his eyes, although he still lies like a rag doll. He must be handled very carefully, since he may suddenly entcr the preceding stagc of panic with its blind aggressiveness. At other times, recovery proceeds slowly to normal, with somewhat depressive symptoms: the subject may remain for days devoid of initiative – apathetic, lazy, and amazingly unconcerned.

Phobogenic factors include the influences that generate or aggravate fear. There is no doubt that some individuals are born more fearful than others. The fear reaction immediately after birth, as studied by Watson's techniques, gives insight into the strength of the inactivating processes in a given human organism. I do not believe there is a definite relation between the peculiarities of physical constitution and the amount of fearfulness. There is, of course, a di- rect relationship between the amount of vital energy, health, and strength of the individual on the one hand and his resistance to inactivation by fear on the other.

There is also a definite relationship between the awareness of a danger and the onset of the fear reaction. This correspondence, however, should not be exaggerated, since the resulting fear depends more upon what the subject thinks about the situation than upon the objective peril. For instance, inexperienced soldiers who were terrified during a practically harmless artillery bombardment enjoyed a drive in a motorcar under conditions of great physical danger.

As we saw previously, we are more frightened by our imagination than by our perception of danger. Similarly, an unexpected event, though it be perfectly harmless, entails more fear than an anticipatedly painful situation. One of my colleagues of the medical faculty, courageous in sports, almost fainted when the chairman of the Athletics Committee, a practical joker, used a false hand ( a cotton-filled glove) in a congratulatory handshake with him.

In addition to the above, let us now consider the most important influences favoring the spread of the fear reaction in civilian or combatant groups. They are :

1. Absence of Leadeship.- One vivid experience of the Spanish War furnishes a good example of this. In March, 1938, the Aragon front broke and many infantry units collapsed with the cry, "Salvese quien pueda!" ("Every man for himself!!") Groups of soldiers in the worst moral and physical conditions were escaping along the road to Lerida. A few dozen officers, however, who rushed from that city, easily succeeded in stopping the flight and reorganizing the men into new units, capable of fighting with refreshed courage.

Men are unable to behave as members of a group unless there is an organized social structure. A member of soldiers deprived of leadership become a mob of anarchic elements unless special training has been given, so that each soldier has very concrete instructions to follow.

2. Physical and Mental Exhaustion.-Lack of food, sleep, clothing, and other physical necessities, as well as excess mental work, may lead to such a diminution of the available energies of the individual that he becomes afraid even without logical grounds. We may note another illustrative incident from the Spanish War .The Fifth and the Tenth Army Corps were counted among the best of the Republican Army. These forces bravely supported for several weeks the full weight of the battle along the Ebro River. After almost continuous lack of rest, sleep, and food, however, they were unable to withstand a weaker offensive of the rebels (November, 1938) whereas the East Army, which had rested for some months, resisted successfully.

3. Abnormal Intensities of Sensory Stimulation.-Excess of light and noise may make the subject fearful, as well as darkness, silence, or solitude. Of course individual differences are observable here: some men have specific, peculiar sources of fear. The majority, however, are most frightened by the combination of darkness, solitude and silence periodically interrupted by unusual or unidentifiable noises.

4. Unpredictability of the Danger.- The rapid change of location and the irregular appearance and disappearance of a fearful stimulus increase its deleterious action. We all know how as small an animal as a mosquito disturbs one who, at night, is subjected to its unexpected dives.

5. Belief in Enemy Encirclement.- During the previously mentioned offensive in March, 1938, the rebels successfully used small groups of trained Alpinists, who at a given moment hoisted their flags on the peaks of the surrounding mountains. Panic resulted among many Republican patrols, who believed that they had been encircled by the enemy.

6. Mysteriousness of the Situation.- Any new weapon is credited in advance with being more dangerous and deadly than a familiar one. Thus the German expcrts advocated to the rebels a simplc ruse for crossing one of the Ebro tributaries. On a windy day the latter spread from their side clouds of strange-colored smoke. This mys terious event was followed by the flight of our soldiers, who did not realize that they were being tricked, but suspected that a new and terrible poison gas was being employed.

7. Lack of Definite Plan of Action.- Since fear is a paralyzing emotion, its victim cannot be expccted to create a suitable solution to his situation. The most that can be hoped is that he may retain his habitual responses. Whenever concrete instructions have not been previously rehearsed, the probability is that the individual will plunge into the advanced stages of fear through lack of purposeful action.

A clear example may be found in the abnormal fear reactions exibited in bombarded Spanish cities by soldiers on leave. During an air raid, these men, steeled to much more dangerous conditions at the front, did not know how to behave and could not even find the air. raid shelters. As a result, they were much more afraid in the streets than in the firing line.

There is no doubt that fear is diminished when the subject (a) feels himself supported by a present, visible group; (b) hopes for help, rescue, or revenge; (c) is properly protected from a direct hit; (d) knows the location of the menacing danger, and the means by which it may injure him; (e) has normal awareness and physical strength; (f) has a definite objective after overcoming the fearful situation; (g) is confident of the efficacy of his own defensive techniques.

If we were to choose the most significant factors, I think that emphasis should be placed upon the harmful influence of lack of prospects and the beneficial effect of determination to achieve a highly desired objective. This is the reason I venture to propose the following :

1. Let the people know the truth about events. It is not possible to publish all the facts, but lies from official sources must be avoided.

2. Give the people sufficient information about what they stand to win if victorious or to lose if defeated.

3. Allow sufficient food, clothing, and rest for those who are face to face with danger.

4. Discuss widely and intensively all objections, doubts and comments about the situation until everyone understands the necessity for prosecuting the war.

5. Make the people love the cause for which they are fighting more deeply than the life they lived in the past.

6. Let the people see that everyone shares the same fate with no special privileges of any kind.

7. Place in authority those who have shown in practice their aptitudes for leadership. Do not rely exclusively on knowledge; place emphasis on efficiency.

8. Prepare rapid and certain means of reassurance and restoration of confidence for those who begin to falter. Permit them the freedom of unburdening their feelings without suspicion of cowardice or treason. T o effect this, provide for every group a trained technician fitted for psychotherapeutic work at the proper moment.

We have concluded that fear, subjectively considered, is nothing more than the consciousness of individual dereliction, the foretaste of failure, or the prospect of defeat. Hence, the psychotherapy of fear must consist in reassuring the subject as to his own values and poten- tialities. Much more important than the removal of the frightening object or situation is the obtention of self-confidence. Only when the subject is freed of internal conflicts and reaches a complete agreement within himself, only when he experiences a perfect synthesis of beliefs and purposes does he feel in possession of all his habitual means of reaction and even become able to create new ones in an emergency. In other words, the psychotherapist must develop first the conditions for the individual's internal adjustment, and second the scheme of life most suitable for his personal resources.

When the subject likes what he has to do, when he has faith and enthusiasm in his aims, when he fights for some beloved goal – then the inactivating influence of fear will be almost insignificant, regardless of the objective danger. The most timid girl becomes the most courageous mother when compelled to rescue her child from the attacks of an enemy; neither flames nor bullets will hinder her defense of so dear an object. When a person is in love, he becomes transformed and effused. He no longer lives within his body, but rather within the object of his love. Whereas fear implies infusion (introversion) and abrogation, love supposes plenitude and ecstasy; this is why the antidote of fear is not courage, but love. To be a hero means to be under the sign of Eros, the god of love.

It is impossible to bring anyone from an attitude of fear to one of love unless he first reaches the intermediate stage of the firm maintenance of a being. Only those who feel steady are capable of transcending and of doing. The greatest desire and the greatest aim of love is creation, in order to reach eternity. Hence Supreme Love is also called the Creator.

Religion has, and will have, so tremendous a force because it promotes faith in eternity. We can understand why the Christian martyrs were not dismayed when they faced the tortures in the Roman circus. They were all in ecstasy – outside of the boundaries of their bodies. To summarize: only those who believe have the determination to perform; only those who have an aim will overcome obstacles, ignore dangers, and resist adversity.

Fear reactions must be overcome by scientific education – social, medical, pedagogical, and psychological. Faith must not be exposed to changes of mood; beliefs must not be left to chance. Both must be rooted in a frame of physical and mental health, in a broad, realistic view of the world. Man must know who he is, where he is and what he is called upon to do; in addition, he must know why he has duties to perform and pleasures to enjoy. Only when these philosophical premises have been scientifically fulfilled does a person achieve a per- sonality; then, and only then, will he be something more than a human animal. Even the most cruel and ferocious beasts may be made to flee through fear; but the defenders of Madrid, of Guadalcanal, and Stalingrad did not suffer from fear, because they were proud of and faithful to their historic duties.

Let us hope that, in the world to come, social psychotherapy will obtain the goal that everyone take the same pride in the performance of his social duties as the best defenders of democracv do now.

It has been shown by the experience of the Spanish W ar , and also by that of the present war, that some persons present very peculiar and specific forms of irrational fear, whereas they behave normal1y under conditions of stress. Thus, for example, some people are more afraid of the air-raid signals than of the bombs themselves. One Spanish officer became anxious whenever he saw a small group of soldiers near headquarters, because he had the absurd idea that these soldiers might be enemy spies disguised as Republicans. Psycho- analysis has dealt successfully with all these phobias, but war psychiatry has no time to lose in a search for remote causes. The military psychiatrist is called upon to readapt these men quickly and effectively; he is not asked why they are ill or how he cures them.

I strongly favor dealing with all these cases in a personal and dynamic manner. A combination of persuasion and suggestion must be immediately followed by experimental reconditioning, i. e., by inducing the patients to learn and to perform the proper response in the specifically phobogenic situation, artificially provoked by the experimenter. As soon as the patient can bring forth the proper behavior response under experimental conditions, he is called upon to repeat it by facing, voluntarily, the actual situation, under the distant control of the therapist.

Later we shall expand this technique (see Chapters Six and Seven), but this preliminary sketch had to be advanced here, since many cases of war fears are referable to individually conditioned fear experiences, where psychological roots are to be found in the patient's earlier life rather than in the present situation. A very clever essay on these clinical forms from the psychoanalytic point of view has been written by Glover in his booklet, The Psychology of Fear and Courage, but I very much doubt that the simple information regarding the mecha- nisms underlying such phobias would prove effective in suppressing their effects.

The biological source of anger is, like fear, a general property of living matter. Cells and organisms are irritable and, when stimulated by certain exciting physicochemical agents, deliver an amount of their own energy, sometimes considerably greater than that of the stimulus.

To this basic phenomenon we must add a psychological factor in order to understand the anger reaction of higher animals including man. This factor is the partial stopping of the flowing streams of action. As soon as the subject becomes aware of something that may bring about a failure of his hopes and plans, he experiences anger against it. Psychologically considered, anger implies the previous experience of a threat to the individual's freedom of thought or action. This is also the condition for the origin of a fear reaction.

Fear and anger become united in zoological evolution. If fear is too intense, anger cannot spread, whereas when anger dominates, fear is almost unnoticeable. Only in very extreme and rare situations, however, do we have a pure emotion of fear or apure emotion of rage. Even in war, vital situations are not sufficiently noxious as to overwhelm and menace the individual's life to such an extent that he becomes totally terrified. So, during war, we meet peculiar blendings of fear and rage, instead of either in pure form.

Let us watch this commander as he faces a bad turn in battle. His movements and commands are emphatic and assertive. He is too impatient: he wants every soldier to obey with lightning rapidity. He shouts, threatens, insults, and offends those who are trying to carry out his orders. Is it not obvious that this man is suffering from the infiltration of his fear, and, in order to counteract its effects, is trying to emphasize his power of command? In the measure that he is losing authority he develops authoritativeness. Apparent anger masks internal fear.

We can also imagine the opposite situation : the offended servant is afraid of the consequences of rcbellion and conceals his rage. He appears to be pale and trembling, whereas actually he is exploding within, because he would like to spring upon and kill his offending superior. In both cases we have a blending of fear and rage in the first, the anger is apparent and the fear repressed; in the second the reverse is true.

On the other hand, these blendings are almost always tinged with anxiety (see Chapter Two). Whenever the corresponding offensive and defensive patterns of reaction fail in the attainment of their goals, we mayobserve increasing feelings of despair and mistrust. The subject then becomes more dangerous, until he reaches a critical point at which his anxiety is discharged, either against the external world, in the form of indiscriminate aggression, or against himself, in the form of suicidal attempts. In fact, we have observed soldiers who, in a fit of "temper", sometimes committed acts of rebellion, at other times attempted desertion, and finally shot themselves.

The relative proportion in which fear and anger may blend on any given occasion depends on several factors, among which we must emphasize ( a) constitutional aggressiveness of the subject; ( b) individual power of self-control; ( c ) previous affective disposition; ( d) amount of self-love or narcissism; (e) immediacy in time and space of the hated object; (f) supposed strength or aggressive power of the object; (g) previous experience regarding the probability of victory or defeat, in the event of a showdown; and (h) personal advantages of facing or escaping the hated object.

Only when all these factors combine to impel the subject toward the destruction of the source of his. anger is this emotion experienced maximally – y.e., as fury. Otherwise, it may be repressed, transmuted, or projected into abnormal forms of reaction. I shall now describe three of these forms, since it is most important to prevent them in wartime.

The human mind is too complicated to justify any attempt to deal with it in as schematic a manner as the pioneers of animal psychology formerly did. Complexity, however, is not a sufficient excuse for renouncing any attempt to classify the anger reactions of wartime.

1. Displaced Anger.- This form, also known as transferred or projected anger, occurs frequently. It appears early in wartime and consists in substituting for the hated object another one less difficult to overcome. Thus, for instance, the Germans are now displacing their hate from the military to the civilian zones in the occupied territories because they feel themselves frustrated in their fight against the Allied armies.

Another example of displaced anger is to be found in the quarrels that sometimes break out between the military authorities and civilians of the same nation. Despite my respect for the armies, I must confess that they all suffer more or less from this kind of reaction at the beginning of a war. Military authorities are excited, impatient, and disposed to be angry and intolerant toward non mobilized civil- ians. They dictate drastic war orders, emergency military laws, severe penalties, and Draconian prohibitions, as if the citizens they are to defend were the real enemy. Of course this severity, as of all military codes, may be explained by the necessity for maintaining military prestige and discipline; but it is undeniable that sometimes such measures arouse general alarm among the already troubled population and increase its reluctance and worry.

The civilians, in their turn, have no one upon whom to discharge their nervousness, and, consequently, they project it against the political authorities and the government: "We are making a bad start"; ..We have not yet found the proper leaders for this emergency"; "Thosc who plunged us into the war should be the first to go to the firing line"; "The enemy is not so much to blame as ourselves, because of our lack of preparation." At other times the displacement goes further and citizens rant against "the lack of religious and moral feelings," "human stupidity," and so on.

Of course, when Mr. So-and-So makes such comments, he is very confident of not being contradicted, because neither the "warmongers" nor "human stupidity" can meet him in argument. Accordingly, he speaks freely.

When displacement takes the form of reversing the subject and object of the anger, we speak of projection. Then the subject denies that he feels anger but claims that he is hated by the object of his (projected) anger. We shall deal with this form, because of its psychiatric importance, at the end of the chapter; it is responsible for many persecutory delusions and other severe mental symptoms.

2. Critical Anger.- A second type of abnormal – and more dangerous – anger reaction is that which drives the subject to demand "immediate action" to smash the enemy with a "terrible blow" ("un coup foudroyant", as the French say). Such people require a blitzkrieg to be carried out, of course, by specialized troops; they claim that things are going too slowly, fabricate a dozen short cuts, and daily rush into their superior's office to make complaints, criticisms, suggestions, or illuminating remarks about this or that detail, man, or organization. In doing so, they disregard their own tasks and become a negative factor in warfare. Of course, such individuals stick their noses into others' affairs because they do not like to carry out their own obligations.

3. Retaliatory Anger.-A third type of anger reaction, more likely to be observed in civil wars but also arising in all wars, is that motivated by personal revenge. The subject's aim is to exact from the enemy in the measure he feels himself injured. This kind of behavior was frequent among uncultivated peasants at the beginning of the recent Spanish War. In fact, many literary masterpieces have been devoted to laudatory descriptions of popular avengers, whose atrocities are considered heroic.

It is a matter of opinion whether retaliatory attitudes should be encouraged or repressed in the soldiers. Some experts are in favor of giving them concrete motives of anger, but my personal experiences are rather discouraging in this respect, and I should always prefer the development of a fighting attitude based not on subjective hate but rather on proper information and understanding of the moral grounds for the duties of every citizen. Otherwise, we are encouraging anarchic behavior, except in isolated cases of intelligent people who are to risk all they have, such as spies and guerrillas.

Another point to be emphasized is that war of today involves the forced occupation of some countries not only by enemy but by Allied forces as well. The latter may try to defend the people whose land they invade as a prophylactic measure. The ignorant peasants are not aware of the strategic reasons, however, and are unable to make a distinction as to whether they are to be protected or exploited. Since in both cases they feel themselves dominated, they usually move to the rear, where they infect other zones of the population that have not experienced this unexpected military occupation. I have personally witnessed the disastrous effects of such migrations during our war, and in spite of the fact that the official reports always said that this proved that the people would not bear the enemy's presence, the truth was that they did not like the presence of their aliies much better. The practical conclusion of all this is to avoid, as far as possible, sudden movements and encroachments of armed forces upon regions that have not been previously prepared for such visits.

Before we proceed further, let us make clear that there is no direct relation between anger and aggressiveness: a man mav fight without eagerness, and, conversely, may display anger without attempting to fight. Only when anger invades the deeper levels of his being and pushes him blindly toward a concrete destructive goal does he come into the state of fury so that an inseparable unity is formed of the hated object, the anger emotion, the fighting purpose, and the devastating action. This fury, however, being the extreme degree of anger, as terror is the extreme degree of fear, does not leave much room for skill and efficiency. In fact, this so-called thalamic rage is very closely related to the thalamic fear, i. e., the panic reactions, described in Chapter Two. Therefore, military experts are rather reluctant to employ substances and procedures that transform the individual into an automaton – excitants and strong alcoholic beverages. Benzedrine and its derivatives, however, may be advised whenever an individual who has been submitted to strenuous work and emotional duress complains of exhaustion and the clinical examination reveals low blood pressure. On such occasions these preparations may relieve fatigue, but caution must be exerted in their administration late in the day – because they tend to interfere with sleep and so may aggravate the insomnia already present in such cases.

The most characteristic state of elation is that of mania. In this state the individual feels omnipotent and so tends to adopt a tyrannical attitude toward the environment, although sometimes he also experiences a craving for generosity, cheerfulness, and love. Gross has pointed out that in all hypomanic and manic patients there is an increasing irritability which leads them to suffer from violent outbreaks of rage.

Psychoanalysts explain the manic state as the consequence of the liberation of the ego from the control of the superego. MacCurdy claims that mania and elation are closely related and that both are to be regarded as a regression to the level of puberty, in which the subject, under the influence of new hormonal secretions, experiences a kind of rebirth and develops unlimited ambitions. The truth is that an elated individual is a kind of divinity who considcrs himself in- vincible.

Thus, it is always desirable for a commander to send his troops into battle in a state of elation combined with hate. To accomplish this, special addresses are made by the military leaders, who on such occasions have the opportunity to test their powers of leadership. When adept, they choose the proper theme, the proper moment, and the proper gestures and vocal inflections, to combine in an optimal degree persuasion, suggestion, and even compulsion. Then the miracle is realized: "The word is mightier than the sword" Even a small contingent of poorly equipped troops may defeat a powerful foe.

The ability to accomplish such effects is considered by German psychologists to be the fundamental quality of leadership. Thus Adolf Hitler wrote: Führer sein ist Massen in Bewegung setzen ("To be a leader is to put masses into motion").

When elation predominates, the battle may be regarded by the participant as a competitive game, as on the field of sport. He begins with an attitude of gallant bravery and may even behave as an amateur insisting upon "fair play" toward his opponent. The German psychologists praised this gallantry in preparing the German youth for fighting against the poorly armed troops of their initial enemies. But as soon as the German Army faced an equal, and the fight became deadly serious as it is now, they changed the slogan from "War is adventure". to "War is hell and only demons can survive in it".

We may assert that Americans are still facing their battles with the spirit of gallant bravery, whereas the Germans and Japanese are already fighting with an attitude of tragedy. Sooner or later the present cruelty of the Axis troops will be replaced by a depressing feeling of unconcem and apathetic self-defense, such as is already exhibited by the Italians. Then they will merely fight to avoid punishment, and so their fighting power will approach zero.

One of the most typical forms of emotional blending is to be found in the state of jealousy. Here the subject experiences anger and hatred against someone who possesses something that he desires. A jealous person considers himself frustrated and betrayed; he experiences mistrust and despair; and perhaps he plans revenge. Curiously, however, as soon as he is reassured and cheered, or as soon as he obtains the desired object, he forgets all his resentment and rapidly returns to normal.

Jealousy is frequently observed among troops of different branches, among units of the same branch, or among commanders of the same General Staff. Painful consequences arise, and the effects may even be worse than those of fear. Jealousy implies envy, and the latter is a tremendously self-devastating state, since the .victim constantly inflicts upon himself the torture of recalling his frustration. The subject hates the envied person because he considers himself incapable of deserving his place or possessions. Only in the measure that he doubts his own value does he envy others.

When anger is repressed it turns into hate, and when hate is concealed it becomes passive resentment. We shall see in Chapter Five how important this reaction may become in the pathogenesis of military maladjustments. Now I wish merely to emphasize that all these emotional blendings tend toward stagnation, thus depriving the subject of his internal freedom. This is why they are called passions, since the subject becomes passive in the measure that he cannot react against them.

There are no other means to prevent such states than to develop proper moral guidance by means of psychotherapeutic lectures and informal talks within the army units. These are a real and effective part of the mental hygiene campaign. No one can tell, in fact, how many soldiers and officers might otherwise be victims of their own comrades, since the battlefield offers all possible facilities for killing with impunity.

During the Spanish War we observed cases of persecutory delusions in so-called normal people as a consequence of the combination of strong hatred with increasing depression. Such cases were espe- cially frequent among the groups of refugees who asked to be enrolled in the army. Since they could not be properly identified, and some had difficulties in adjusting to the new environment, it was frequently observed that they could not establish fraternal relations with the group. Some of them becamc encysted and resentful. They worried about the fate of their families living in the enemy territory and developed reactive deprcssions. Some weeks latcr they complained, for instance, of the presence of spies in the camp: someone had taken a picture of them or had requested their signature to convey to the enemy the information that they were on our side. Hence, their relatives were to be tortured and killed. Once these suspicions began, the victim became afraid of everything.

The remedy was simple. It was necessary to gather all the refugees to form special, homogeneous groups according to geographic origin. Then they became reassured and behaved normally, with no need for additional treatment. The Germans and the British have proved skillful in the handling of the problem of volunteers from the occupied zones.

In chapter one I insisted upon the necessity for more emphasis upon psychiatric advice in the selection of army personnel, not only of the soldiers, but especially of the officers. Of course, means of selection are numerous and it is best to profit from all, since no single method is an adequate basis for the prediction of efficiency on the battlefield.

The German and the American views differ greatly on these matters. Therefore, despite the fact that Farago and othcrs havc given valuable information regarding the Nazi method of selection, I think it may be useful to recall some of the principles of German psychological warfare. I use data from various sources for this purpose:

An article by the Argentine neurologist Dr. Marcos Victoria who lived in Germany as recently as 1940 and secured valuable information on this score.

Private information obtained from interviews with German doctors who were living as refugees in London in 1940.

Private information conveyed by my friend Professor Douglas Fryer which he had collected for his forthcoming book on military psychology.

The chapter on military psychology in Germany in Lopez Ibor's Las Neurosis de Guerra.

The principal source of information on the organization of military psychology in Germany is Dr. Max Simoneit's book published in 1938, Leitgedanken ueber die psychologische Untersuchung des Offizier-Nachwuches in der Wehrmacht. According to the latter, there is in Germany a central office of the army for "Psychology and Racial Culture." Here the results of several psychological laboratories for the testing of military and naval capabilities are synthesized.

These laboratories, called Psychologische Pruefstelle, are manned by two army officers, one psychiatrist, and eight specialized psychologists. The latter are qualified as reserve officers after a long period of theoretical and practical studies and a severe examination (Referendar der Wehrmachtpsychologie). Finally they receive the diploma of Regierungsrat und Heeres, resp. Flieger, Marine-Psychologe ("Adviser and Psychologist of the Army, Air Forces, or Marines"). In 1939 there were two thousand such psychologists in Germany.

Every year the central laboratory of the Ministry of War concerned with the psychology of defense organizes a special course for psychologists and officers. Two of thcse courses have been published un- der the title, Abhandlungen zur Wehrpsychologie. In addition, there is a journal, Soldatentum, devoted to the psychology of defense, the selection and education of army men. Another collection of six vol- umes about special work in this field has been published as Wehrpsychologische Arbeiten, but the most interesting one, by Major Blau, entitled Propaganda als Wafle ("Propaganda as a Weapon"), has not been made available to the public.

All this work is intimately connected with the work of civilian scientists. For instance, in 1934 the General Congress of German Psychologists devoted a special section to military psychology and discussed the new meaning of soldiership (Soldatentum) which they finally defined as "...the internal attitude which emerges in the strongly vital man in face of a present or future danger, which is reinforced by the struggle against this danger so that it reaches a special autonomy and reveals itself in a particular conception and way of life."

Much more important than the selection of soldiers, is, of course, that of leaders. Simoneit emphasizes that these must possess, above all, a tremendous Wille zur Macht ("will to power") with a perfect control over their psychosomatic functions.

The methods of selecting leaders are "totalitarian" (global) and rather indirect. They require the collaboration of psychologists and practical men, the former observing the candidates from the point of view of structural psychology, the latter considering them professionally from a more empirical and characterological angle.

The attempt to ascertain the quality of leaclership by means of tests is far from realization. It can only be considered as an experiment in behavior. The method followed is of secondary importance. What counts is the examiner's personality. The examiner should, Simoneit believes, realize the importance of his task and the limitations of his techniques. He should cautiously attempt to exclude personal bias. He must also remember that he can be an indispensable and successful adviser, but that decision must not rest on him alone.

Simoneit offers some hints as to the organization and technique of the examination utilized as well as its fundamental principles. He also states that all those who deny the Wehrpsychologie ("psychology of defense") '.think of it rather in terms of a secret art than of an applied science.

It is advisable to let the candidates and their families know that psychology is the best method for selection, because it does not permit of favoritism and is executed not by cold judges but by profes- sional educators experienced in the detection of psychic, spiritual, and characterological qualities.

The advantages of such a practical conception of psychology are beginning to be observed. How does it define the soldier ? What are the properties of a good military leader ? How may the empirical and the scientific approaches be combined ? These and many other questions are illuminating in attempting to grasp the German point of view.

Let us begin with the meaning of the concept of soldiership (Soldatentum). According to the German experts this concept does not mean merely to behave as a soldier under the commands of an officer, but something more. It means to live in a soldierly attitude, to consider oneself an element in the making: of the Grosse Reich, and to combine self-denial, meekness, and determination in the fulfillment of military duties. Ziegler says, for instance, that to be a soldier means to possess a peculiar attitude of devotion to the nation, which attitude is increased in the event of a national emergency and reinforced by fighting against the danger. There is no special type of personality better qualified than any other to make a good soldier, according to the view of Simoneit, Lersch, Lottig, and Kreipe. The Jaensch brothers, of course, would not agree with this assertion, since they tried very hard to apply their typology to vocational selection for the army. In his book, Korperbau, Wesenart und Rase ("Constitution, Temperament and Race"), Walter, the most Nazified of the Jaensches, asserts that only those belonging to the nordic type should be chosen as models for the German soldiers. He failed to realize that neither Hitler nor Goring can possibly be considered as Nordic types; and it was perhaps because of this miscalculation that all the work accomplished at the Reichssportfeld in Berlin collapsed at the end of 1938.

The characteristics of a good leader, according to Simoneit, may be summarized as follows: He must possess, above all, a tremendous Wille zur Macht, i. e., will ( or ambition) for power, plus the "martial quality." The latter requires (a) full control of the psychosomatic functions involved in the tasks of military command; (b) richness of psychic resources; (c) power of suggestion; (d) decisiveness; (e) heroic tendency. The last term means the ability to merge all individual ambitions into the attainment of a "pure value" beyond the limits of personal profit; Scheler calls this "nobility," and according to Simoneit, it implies self-discipline.

Simoneit analyzes the characters of some of the most outstanding German commanders – Moltke, Blucher, Yorck, Scharnhorst, and Gneisenau – and concludes that it would be foolish to expect the ordinary officer to possess the average of their qualities. In the same way Scheining asserts that the Leistungschlabone ("standard") for testing the German officers cannot be an abstract one, but should rather be based on a general view of the professional habits of the Prussian military tradition, of the demands of the blitzkrieg, and of the ideals of the Nazi theory.

Before describing the techniques of selection, it will be well to emphasize the general principIes that are now accepted by the leaders of German military psychology.

1. The first is that of practical knowledge and the scientific psychological approach. According to this principIe, practical and scientific observations must combine and coincide in order to be valuable. If the scientific approach has the advantage of greater accuracy, empirical and ingenuous psychological conclusions have the advantage of naturalness, spontaneity, and closer connection with actual mental life. The army psychologists are not to disregard the sources of popular information, but must work co-operatively with the professionals engaged in selecting officers.

2. The principle of globality or wholeness, with its application in the Ganzheitpsychologie, rules modern German psychological warfare. According to its theories, conscious life is integrated into a single meaningful whole, which must be approached with a global insight. Of course, a warning must be issued against the tendency to form too quickly a general impression of the personality, and then to use this first impression as a Procrustean bed to which subsequently ob- served phenomena are fitted. Military psychology must not try to add a list of aptitudes and define the human value of the subject in terms of this sum. The task of the psychologist is to give a fair opinion of men as personalities, rather than to atomize psychological data. The whole being more important than the sum of the parts, the psycho- logical expert must always remember that a special capacity or function is never isolated in the individual, but must be interpreted and evaluated in terms of its integration within the mass of personality traits. Thus. for instance. the reception of telegraphic signals at a great speed may or may not be considered a good quality for an efficient wire operator, according to the values of the general temperamental tendencies, such as fatigability, endurance of attention, etc.

3. According to the third principIe, that of the immediateness of life, psychological understanding (Einsicht) depends upon the psychological immediateness and naturalness of the observed reactions, as well as upon the fairness and intelligence of the observer. Hence it is not advisable to bring men into a psychological laboratory, where they would behave in a sophisticated manner; on the contrary, the psychologists must make contact with the applicants in plain, human fashion. The observer and the observed must meet in a normal situation, as informally as possible.

4. The principle of complete observation in the course of testing implies that, whatever is being tested at the moment, the observer must not neglect the opportunity to obtain simultaneous information about the remainder of the individual capacities. For instance, during spirometer tests valuable hints may be obtained concerning the subject's intelligence, whereas the way in which he sits down to solve an intelligence test affords information about his character. The assumption that these traits may be tested later does not justify their neglect at this time.

5. The principle of examining not only aptitudes but also predispositions (Anlagen) –although oriented by a basic "racist" criterion in Germany– is a promising one. I personally believe that it brings the psychological and psychiatric examinations closer together , since it demands from the test procedure not only a diagnosis but also a prognosis as to the subject's aptitudes and deficiencies. For this, attention must be turned upon his familial antecedents, his constitutional trends, and his mental conflicts. In this task a trained psychiatrist can and must assist the purely technical examiner.

6. The principle of compensation within the mind's territory assumes that a mind or psychic apparatus possesses not only forces but also volume. Different levels or fields, corresponding or not to neurological regions, can be distinguished, and each of these possesses what is called a compensating balancing power. When equipped with a powerful and elastic mind, a subject may overcome certain concrete physical or mental liabilities. This is another reason not to overestimate the results of testing the specific mental abilities.

Another important point of German psychotechnical warfare is the belief that the final efficiency of any soldier is largely influenced by the factor of training. Accordingly, all teaching procedures at the military schools are very carefully controlled by the following methods.

As soon as the German boy enters primary school his military training begins. The idea of submission and sacrifice on behalf of the Reich is constantly developed. At the same time the boy is introduced to a peculiar history of the world, in which Germany is the only decent and lovely country. Soon he joins gymnastic groups where he participates in sports of a military nature. Upon reaching adolescence, he is instructed to believe in every paragraph of the modern German Bible, Mein Kampf, and to consider himself called upon to avenge the shame of Versailles. For years it is impressed upon him that Germany is invincible but that all the world is against her except, of course, the Axis partners. The reason for the persecution of Germany lies in the power of three confluent international forces : bolshevism, Jewish capitalism, and decadent imperialist democracy. He learns to hate all these and to trust the only man who can restore German prestige. He also learns how to orient himself in a forest, how to control his nerves when in danger, how to distribute his physical and mental energy. Even on a Sunday excursion, the apparently innocent event is exploited by the teachers to develop strategic knowledge, self-mastery, meekness, and endurance.

German psychology experts have proved that the maximum efficiency of a marching group of persons is reached when they make a short pause half an hour after the start, in order to readjust equipment, and then proceed without knowing the time of the next stop. A proper distribution of "propelling" men is made. These are active members of the Nazi party who are charged with increasing morale. They begin the singing, make jokes, etc., throughout the excursion. Special attention is devoted to develop Bruderschaft ("partnership") between the officers and the soldiers during the rest periods. Then all the men mix; and the soldiers are proud of their importance. It is, in fact, significant that in the present Wehrmacht the rigidity and severity that were so typical of the Kaiser's time are no longer to be observed.

In wartime the selection of officers and their promotion to higher rank are, of course, based upon their efficiency on the battlefield. But how was the initial bulk of German officers selected before the war began?

Since an officer must be a leader, a very careful analysis of his character and personality was made before he was a1lowed to begin training. A team of two selecting officers, a military physician, three psychologists, and, later, one psychiatrist was assigned to each applicant. They proceeded to co1lect data under the fo1lowing heads:

Data of the first category are co1lected in a rather informal interview. The candidate is asked about memories of his childhood, home life, scholarship, first friendships, personal achievements at different ages, trips, prominent acquaintances, games, books, hobbies, etc. Special importance is devoted to ascertaining how he became aware of the social, political, and economic misfortunes of Germany in the postwar period.

The analysis of expression is divided into (a) analysis of mimetism and pantomime; (b) analysis of facial and manual gestures; (c) analysis of verbal context; and (d) graphological report. The subject is watched during spontaneous conversations with his comrades, arguing and joking. How well is he able to imitate others. expressions? This gives insight into his histrionic and pantomimic aptitudes. Is he cold, rigid or inhibited when speaking, for instance? As for analysis of facial and manual gestures, ordinary snapshots or photographs are demanded, especially those taken by nonprofessionals. The predominant gestures and postures are recorded. The analysis of verbal context refers not merely to the preferred topics of conversation but also to the mode of constructing sentences ( semantic ) and the relative proportion of adjectives and nouns, of abstract and concrete judjments, etc., formulated during several spontaneous interviews.

Special emphasis is placed upon the results of graphological analysis. It must be remembered that German graphology, which was developed by Klages and others, has great influence in the German school of psychological warfare. They believe graphology has reached a highly objective stage, whereas graphology in America is practically disregarded.

The psychological testing takes the form of a general examination in which actual concrete problems are presented to the subject, who is allowed to consult books, ask for further information, and solve them in any way he pleases. Once he claims to have found the solution, he is questioned as to how he reached it and about the thinking process that led him to the result. The explanations offered by the candidate, the method used to check his inferences, the hypotheses he made–all this seemingly wasted mental work, viewed retrospectively, gives information as to his general thinking powers, which are much more significant than mere success or failure, since the latter may depend upon extraintellectual factors. His personal opinion about the work he has just accomplished is also requested, and affords a reliable basis for estimating his self-judgment and other trends of character closely related to intellectual efficiency.

As to the fourth aspect – the analysis of the efficiency of the spontaneous behaviour – German psychologists are much interested in knowing how many of the purposes of the subject are transformed into successful achievements, how many are dropped without being tried, and how many fail during execution. Such information cannot be obtained unless the examiner is allowed to live very close to the observed and is able to obtain the confidence of the latter.

In order to acquire these data, the examiner may place the candidates in certain experimental situations, which are then considered as "adventures" involving some risk of failure. "Do you think that you can do it?" If the answer is yes, scoring is very simple; if no, further stimulation is required, especially for sporting performances. Manual work is also used, as well as bipersonal competitions, in which the examiner may be one of the partners; no tricks or unfair means are permitted. When the candidate faces strenuous and difficult tasks, the oscillating waves of confidence and discouragement, the retardation and acceleration of movements, the pauses for rest, etc., must be recorded.

Of course, some of the scholastic and professional tasks may serve also for this purpose: how does the officer react when he misses the target on the rifle range; how does he react when praised or criticized by his superiors, etc.?

Now comes the final test: the so-called Fuehrerprobe or test of leadership. This last examination takes two days, during which the subject is submitted to interviews, athletic tests, manual and mental performance tests, and – most importand – during which he has to command an unfamiliar group of soldiers in certain unpleasant tasks. In this last, the reactions of the soldiers are as carefully registered as those of the future commander, since their reactions are a good index of the ability and appeal of the applicant. At the end, the applicant is confronted with his colleagues to discuss several topics in- formally with them in the presence of the examiners. No special instructions are delivered, thus permitting the subject to feel at ease. His behavior in the presence of friends is observed.

All the preceding measures are designed to afford a better insight on the part of the examiners into the tested personality. Despite the apparently anarchic way in which the data are gathered, the information is systematized intelligibly and scientifically into the characterological report, which must be complete, objective, and practical.

1. The report must contain a first paragraph to orient the reader through the entire report and to facilitate its comprehension. In this paragraph, the predominant quality of the personality of the official under consideration must be pointed out. Sometimes this quality will explain all the other qualities that are pointed out in the course of the report. Sometimes, however, the psychological characteristics of secondary rank disagree with the predominant quality and must be set apart for the sake of objectivity.

2. Together with the predominant quality, the dynamic principle that molds the personality must be pointed out.

3. The body of the report includes a description of the various psychological qualities and the results observable in everyday life and in the special conditions of military life. The examiner should endeavor to remain purely objective and should not produce a literary feuilleton.

4. A supplement may be attached in which controversies arising from different observations are discussed.

5. The report will conclude with the diagnosis and prognosis of the personality.

If there is any war assignment that can destroy the nervous control of a normal person it is that of piloting a pursuit plane or a dive bomber. Koch and Lottig, Schaltenbrand, Kostitsch, Treutler, Velhagen, Koch, Hartmann, Noltenus, and many others have devoted themselves to the analysis of flying in order to perfect the Luftwaffe. I shall not describe all the careful experiments performed in the William-Kerchkoff Institute of Bad, 0ne among dozens, On the nervous systems and the psychic qualities of pilots. It may, however, be interesting to cite the schema proposed by Koch and Lottig:

	ANIMAL		VEGETATIVE
	Energy change with the environment		Metabolism
Somatic	Motility	Sensibility	Digestive tract	Circulation	Respiration
Psychic	Will	Imagination	Euphoria and dysphoria	Emotivity	Tenseness and relaxation
	Spirit (Geist)		Mood (Gemuet)

Whereas in normal flying conditions the left part of this schema has control over the rightl in altitude flights and in diving the situa- tion is reversed. Special exercises to control the uncontrolled spheres of perception and movement on such occasions are recommended. Some of these exercises are very closely related to the autogenous training of Schultz and the Yoga practices. The capacity to learn such psychosomatic control seems to be greater among well-educated persons. It is an interesting fact that such a well-known Nazi philosopher as Heidegger does not disdain to be a Luftoffizier.

When called upon to review the mental causes of honorable discharge from army service, I maintained the thesis that whereas it was useless to compel a madman, an imbecile, a coward, or even a reluctant soldier to go to the firing line, we ought not to be too generous in discharging all the alleged and presumed mental patients from military obligations. We needed all our men, and besides, once these people believed themselves ensconced in the rear, they might launch dangerous rumors and set up disaffection.

No one, of course, can control what a soldier does with his machine gun under fire, but it is still more difficult to know what he may do with a telephone or a pencil in his home. It was therefore my opinion that whenever a recruit was in possession of his mind at all, he should be used in some manner within the army, no matter what his assumed mental trouble. Whenever this mental syndrome de- prived him of reason and self-control, naturally he was to be honorably discharged and sent to a mental institution. It took time to overcome the resistances to these criteria, but they were finally accepted with very slight modifications. The army classified the enrolled men as being either (a) suitable for all services; (b) suitable for auxiliary services; (c) temporarily discharged; (d) permanently discharged; or (e) judgment deferred. Let us analyze classes (d) and (b).

Permanently Discharged.-These men were permanently discharged because they suffered from:

1) Idiocy, imbecility, and chronic mental deterioration (dementia) whenever the clinical antecedents, the observations of their spontaneous behavior, and the mental tests coincided to prove that they were unable to understand their military duties or to perform them.

2) Chronic psychoses, especially the so-called endogenous psychoses, in which the symptoms of a mental process, either present or inferable from reliable sources, might be reasonably presumed to be of such a nature as not to permit the subject to adjust to the military regimen. Whenever doubt existed, psychiatric observation in a military unit was required.

3) Epilepsy with severe and frequent fits, with permanent mental defect, or with equivalents verified by observation in a psychiatric clinic of the army.

4) Psychopathic personalities, with asevere and evident hereditary taint, whose reaction tendencies had made them unsuitable for social life and had required previous hospitalization in mental institutions, and whose detection in the observation ward of a military clinic indicated their uselessness for any kind of military duty, either because of the severity of their internal mental suffering or by the chronicity and gravity of their social misbehavior.

Suitable for Auxiliary Service.-These men were transferred to auxiliary services when they suffered from:

2) Epilepsy when not accompanied by subsequent or alternative mental disturbances.

4) Exogenous psychoses with focal symptomatology, permitting the patient to pursue a vocation.

5) Psychóneuroses and psychopathic maladjustments compatible with vocational achievements.

To clarify the criteria for classification as above, the special instructions that were delivered to all military physicians connected with the induction and assignment of men in the army are transcribed below:

Theoretically speaking, each soldier must be carefully selected to en- sure that his anatomical and physiological constitution is perfect. In practice, it is impossible to attain such perfection since the enormous exigency of men in modern armies makes utopian the attempt to find great masses possessing such perfection. Hence, the requirement of those qualities is limited to special branches of the army, in which they are absolutely essential and for which the number of individuals required is relatively small.

But it is indubitable that the selection must be oriented in accordance with the index of the subject.s robustness and his functional capacity, independent of the illness or physical imperfection from which he sufIers, without forgetting that there are some illnesses with an absolute value of prohibition because of the immediate danger they imply for the subject or because of the collective social danger through contagion.

Fit for all Services.-This group includes a!l those persons who possess the standard qualifications of the soldier and those who have some physical defect that does not disqualify them from campaign duty. In short, this group admits individuals with slight physical defects, but not sick men.

Fit for Auxiliary Services.-This group contains in general patients with chronic diseases consistent with the performance of a profession or trade and not contagious, as we!l as physical imperfections that disqualify from active military campaigns but a!low the fulfi!lment of sedentary functions or military functions of reduced physical requirements.

Totally Unfit.-In general, in this group are included diseases that permanently disqualify an individual from earning a livelihood. From what has been said, it may be inferred that those contained in this third group are declared totally unfit; and their unsuitability must be patent. Consequently, the physician who pronounces such a verdict should not require any efIort to prove the justice of it to point out the individual should suffice.

Those included in the second group, and declared as such to be fit for auxiliary services, do not usua!ly present doubts as to their classification. When the question arises whether a disease is a chronic one or an acute one in the process of healing, decision should be deferred. However, regarding physical defects, it is often difficult to decide whether an individual is fit only for auxiliary services or fit for unlimited services, since there is no sharp boundary between the first and second groups. This may produce in some physicians uneasiness about the equity of the verdict. When this state of doubt arises, it must always be resolved without vacillation, fqr the welfare of all the services involved.

A necessary condition for the proper fulfi1lment of the task of the military physician is the recognition of the essential differences between military and civil medical practice. The military physician must often deal with dissimulators and simulators. In peacetime, the dissimulators predominate for obvious reasons; in wartime the other group predominates to the point where there is a very scant percentage of recruits or inductees who do not a1lege some i1lness or physical defect. Therefore, the military physician should attach little weight to the subjective symptoms of the examinee but should base his conclusions on purely objective data. Never should the physician interrogate an individual as to specific symptoms unless there is some objective datum that justifies the symptoms of the i1lness he claims to suffer. The physicians charged with the observation of the supposed unfit should adhere to the same instructions and try to minimize their examinations and special tests, since the latter procedures delay the classification.

For example, if a suspectcd case of pulmonary disease prcsents nothing clinica1ly or radiologica1ly, it is unnecessary to examine the sputum, sedimentation rate, or complement fixation. Too many studies obstruct classification and assist simulators considerably.

Until the organization of the psychiatric services, the selection of men in the Spanish Army had been made on the basis of a purely medical examination. Essential as this procedure is, it is usually in- adequate to detect nervous or mental disorder, and it is not even in- tended to provide any information about the recruit's intellectual and temperamental make-up. Any attempt to introduce psychological examination of recruits coming up for assignment was usually opposed on the grounds that they were too disturbed at the time for reliable results and that such testing would involve a loss of time.

Such objections are not valid in relation to the use of group tests such as I used for the selection of some of the Spanish Republican troops. All the men coming to the recruiting centers were gathered in different rooms and asked to fill out the questionnaire reproduced below.

In order to utilize your ability to the maximum within the Popular Army and to prevent uselcss hardship and suffcring on your part, please answer the following questions with complete honesty.

Given name..................Surname................ Age..............Place of Birth ............................

Home Address ...................................................Occupation. ..............................................

Languages ( and dialects) you know. ...................................................................................

Other training or knowledge (in addition to occupation) .....................................................

9) If you could choose a reward or prize for your services to the Republic, what would your request?

10) Can you stand fatigue?...........lack of sleep?.........cold?........hunger?................thirst?...........

12) What physical or other effect do you notice when you are exposed to a fright or shock of any kind? How do you behave then?

13) Do you remember any moment in your life when you displayed courage? (Please describe the incident if you care to)

17) How often would you like to have a 7-day leave if it were possible? Where and how would you spend the time?

PSYCHIATRY IN WAR

CONTENTS

PREFACE

CHAPTER ONE

WAR AND THE PSYCHIATRIST

MEANING OF WAR

PSYCHOLOGICAL AND PSYCHIATRIC INTERPRETATION OF WAR PHENOMENA

SOCIAL AND BIOLOGICAL ASPECTS

THE HUMANISTIC CONCEPTION

AIMS OF PSYCHIATRY IN WAR

ADJUSTMENT OF THE POPULATION TO WAR

MENTAL HYGIENE IN WAR

IMMEDIATE AND REMOTE EFFECTS OF WAR ON LIFE

THE ALL-OR-NONE LAW

DISSOCIATION OF BEING AND APPEARANCE

REMOTE EFFECTS OF WAR

CHAPTER TWO

FEAR

FEAR AND ITS MEANING

PSYCHOGENESIS OF FEAR

TERRIFYING SITUATIONS DURING THE SPANISH WAR

EVOLUTIONARY STAGES OF FEAR

PHOBOGENIC FACTORS

REASSURING FACTORS

RULES FOR THE PREVENTION OF UNCONTROLLED FEAR

PSYCHOTHERAPY OF FEAR

TECHNIQUES OF RECONDITIONING IN WAR PHOBIAS

CHAPTER THREE

ANGER

THE ANGER REACTION AND ITS ORIGIN

BLENDINGS OF FEAR AND RAGE

FACTORS DETERMINING AGGRESSIVENESS AND FIGHTING POWER

ANGER AND AGGRESSIVENESS

RAGE AND ELATION

DELETERIOUS EFFECTS OF ENVY, JEALOUSY, RESENTMENT, AND REVENGE

PERSECUTORY DELUSIONS AS A FORM OF PROJECTED ANGER

CHAPTER FOUR

PSYCHIATRY IN THE NAZI ARMY

MEANS OP PSYCHIATRIC SELECTION POR THE ARMY

THE GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF PERSONAL SELECTION IN GERMANY

THE SELECTION OF OFFICERS

WORDING OF THE CHARACTEROLOGICAL REPORT

NOTES ON THE GERMAN SELECTION OF FLIERS

SCHEMA FOR THE EXAMINATION OF THE NERVOUS SYSTEMS OF PILOTS OF THE LUFTWAFFE

CHAPTER FIVE

PSYCHIATRY IN THE SPANISH REPUBLICAN ARMY

THE SPANISH REPUBLICAN POINT OF VIEW

INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE APPLICA TION OF THE CAUSES OF UNFITNESS IN THE SPANISH REPUBLICAN ARMY

THE PSYCHIATRIC QUESTIONNAIRE FOR DETECTING POTENTIAL NEUROTICS; SELECTION OF NEW RECRUITS